Penthouse veut la prostituée

Carole a écrit:

Le lien étant qu'elle n'a pas eu le choix facile et éclairé, comme la majorité des prostituée. Elle avait 17 ans au départ.

C'est écrit ou ca ?

aucune fille deveraient etre oubliger de faire ca. voir certaine personne trouver des justifications pour banaliser ca, je trouve ca traumatisant.

en plus des femmes, j'en reviens juste pas

heather mills qui vient d'arracher 50 millions à paul (sir) mc cartney en 4 ans de mariage et qui n'est contente,est-ce une prostituée?

faudrait quand même faire la différence entre la prostituée de la rue(qui remet tout à son pimp ou à la drogue) et celle qui choisit d'être une pute de luxe à 1000$ et plus la soirée(et qui donne une commission à son agent quand elles en ont un)

des putes de luxe,il y en a une tonne à montréal et elle vivent dans des condos à 500000$ tout en conduisant des mercedes et personne ne peut imaginer ce qu'elles font dans la vie,c'est leur choix!

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Oui c'est ce que je dis depuis le début. Une situation moins pire ? Ma foi j'en sais rien. C'est quoi moins pire ? Le bonhomme avait des fantaisies spéciales ... reste à voir.

J'ai cru lire qu'elle trouvait sa situation meilleure qu'avant. Je ne dis pas que c'est moins pire d'être pute de luxe, un vieux cochon c'est un vieux cochon, peu importe le prix payé.

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Pour Véro (qui je soupçonne être assez jeune) Je ne crois pas qu'elle ait voulu dire ça dans ce sens ... sur le dos du monde, c'était peut-être très sens littéraire du mot.

En effet. J'opinais sur le fait que la dame en question avait reçu l'offre de penthouse pour le front page...sur ce point, y'a pas vraiment de scandale. Les filles qui posent dans ces revues ne proviennent pas toutes du milieu de la prostitution.
Véro, tu as fait une montée de lait en disant qu'on ferait de l'argent sur le dos de cette fille... Crime, tous les employeurs font de l'argent sur le dos de leurs employés....car tu sais, elle sera grassement payée pour faire un front dans Penthouse. Je n'ai jamais discuté le fait que la prostitution n'est pas grave.

Par ailleurs, j'ai ajouté que certaines femmes récoltaient certains fruits en se servant volotairement de leur corps....tu sai des filles qui aiment se promener d'un homme à l'autre et qui se font gâter...ben elles couchent en échange.

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Et non kat est loin d'être une dangeureuse !

Ha merci!

Véro, prend le temps de relire et tu vas constater que tous ici ne font pas la promotion de la prostitution. On dit juste que certaines femmes font certaines choses de leur corps volontairement...je sais, elles ne sont pas légion, mais y'en a en masse de ce genre de femme.

L'exemple de l'ex qui raffle le portefeuille de son richissime mari, c'est de ce genre de femme aussi qu'on parle. Pas besoin de faire partie d'un réseau criminalisé pour être une guidoune de luxe. Y'a des filles qui paient leurs études à faire ce travail et elles le font par choix, j'en connais....bon je me répète là.

Tu sembles être très très touchée par le sujet. Tu pourrais t'expliquer davantage, peut-être pourrais-tu nous apprendre qeulque chose.

jean desrosiers a écrit:

heather mills qui vient d'arracher 50 millions à paul (sir) mc cartney en 4 ans de mariage et qui n'est contente,est-ce une prostituée?

faudrait quand même faire la différence entre la prostituée de la rue(qui remet tout à son pimp ou à la drogue) et celle qui choisit d'être une pute de luxe à 1000$ et plus la soirée(et qui donne une commission à son agent quand elles en ont un)

des putes de luxe,il y en a une tonne à montréal et elle vivent dans des condos à 500000$ tout en conduisant des mercedes et personne ne peut imaginer ce qu'elles font dans la vie,c'est leur choix!

Heather Mills c'est une Gold Digger comme l'était Anna Nicole Smith.

La pute de Spitzer c'est une poule de luxe et les autres ce sont souvent des excalves sexuelles.

Citation :

Carole a écrit:

Le lien étant qu'elle n'a pas eu le choix facile et éclairé, comme la majorité des prostituée. Elle avait 17 ans au départ.

C'est écrit ou ca ?

Carole a écrit:

Vous trouverez tout ce que vous voulez savoir dans les nombreux liens que j'ai laissés. Ça demande un retour en arrière. C'est bel et bien écrit ... ne ramenez pas que mes mots, faut retourner dans le contexte.

Vous mettez votre source ou nous considérons que vous dites n'importe quoi ?

Vous parlez au nous maintenant ? Vous prêchez?

Considérez ce que bon Vous semble (JEARAC) ... mais faites l'effort de relire ! Sinon JE vais croire que vous êtes de mauvaise foi.

(cristi J'AI mit toute les sources de tous les textes, cessez de jouer M. Langlois au grand questionneux. Ça ne m'a jamais impressioner. JE sais où vous voulez en venir ... ça marche juste pas)

Cioa!

Il fallait lire ...

(cristi J'AI mis toutes les sources de tous les textes. Cessez de jouer M. Langlois au grand questionneux, ça ne m'a jamais impressionnée. JE sais où vous voulez en venir ... ça marche juste pas)

(désolée, pour les fautes )

Slavery's staying power
It's not a relic of the past; it's here and now and ensnaring more people than ever.
By E. Benjamin Skinner

March 23, 2008

One hot june day in 2006, I saw what slavery really meant. In a rundown mansion in a slum of Bucharest, Romania, a pimp offered to sell me a young woman he described as "a blond." She had bleached hair, hastily applied makeup, and she apparently suffered from Down syndrome. On her right arm were at least 10 angry, fresh slashes where, I can only assume, she had attempted suicide. The pimp claimed that he made 200 euros per night renting her out to local clients. He offered to sell her outright to me in exchange for a used car.



It wasn't the first time I had encountered a slave in bondage. It wasn't even the first time I had been offered a slave for sale. Over five years on five continents, I had infiltrated trafficking networks and witnessed other negotiations to buy and sell human beings. Worldwide, I'd met more than 100 current and former slaves.

Many people are surprised to learn that there are still slaves. Many imagined that slavery died along with the 360,000 Union soldiers whose blood fertilized the Emancipation Proclamation and the 13th Amendment. Many thought that slavery was brought to an end around the world when most countries outlawed it in the 19th century.

But, in fact, there are more slaves today than at any point in history. Although a precise census is impossible, as most masters keep their slaves hidden, baseline estimates from United Nations and other international researchers range from 12 million to 27 million slaves worldwide. The U.S. State Department estimates that from 600,000 to 800,000 people -- primarily women and children -- are trafficked across national borders each year, and that doesn't count the millions of slaves who are held in bondage within their own countries.

Let me be clear: By "slaves" I mean, very simply, those who are forced to work, under threat of violence, for no pay beyond subsistence. That is the nice, neat, horrible definition I have used since I began studying the subject in 2001. It was brought home to me more vividly than ever by the tears of that young woman in Bucharest.

In the United States today, we tend to use the word "slave" loosely. Merriam-Webster offers as its first definition of the word, "drudgery; toil." Well-intentioned activists will say that a worker at a shoe factory in Indonesia is "paid a slave wage" of $1.25 per hour, despite the fact the worker can walk away from the job at any time. An investment banker in New York will claim to be "worked like a slave" because, despite his six-figure salary, he is required to work up to 18 hours a day on occasion. During his last few years with Warner Bros. Records, Prince wore the word "slave" scrawled across his face to protest a binding contract he couldn't get out of -- even though it paid him $10-million advances for each album.

But that's not what slavery is, as Rambho Kumar can attest. Kumar was born into wilting poverty in a village in Bihar, the poorest state in India, the country with more slaves than any other, according to U.N. estimates. In 2001, desperate to keep him and his five brothers from starving, his mother accepted 700 rupees ($15) as an advance from a local trafficker, who promised more money once 9-year-old Rambho started working many miles away in India's carpet belt.

After he received Rambho from the trafficker, the loom owner treated his new acquisition like any other low-value industrial tool. He never allowed Rambho and the other slaves to leave the loom, forcing them to work for 19 hours a day, starting at 4 in the morning. The work itself tore into Rambho's small hands, and when he whimpered in pain, the owner's brother stuck his finger in boiling oil to cauterize the wound -- and then told him to get back to work. When other boys attempted escape or made a mistake in the intricate designs of the rugs, which were destined for Western markets, the owner beat them savagely.

On July 12, 2005, local police, in coordination with activists supported by Free the Slaves, an organization based in Washington, liberated Rambho and nine other emaciated boys.

I've met and talked with slaves and former slaves like Rambho in a dozen countries, including the United Arab Emirates, Romania, India, Sudan and Haiti. The International Labor Organization of the United Nations estimates that in Asia alone, there are about 10 million slaves.

Even in the United States, low-end Justice Department figures estimate that there are about 50,000 people languishing in hidden bondage at any one time. On March 4, for instance, two south Florida women were convicted on charges of enslaving and torturing a teenage Haitian girl named Simone Celestine. The two women face 10 years in prison. Celestine was freed by the FBI last year after being held as a domestic slave for six years, during which time she said she was beaten with closed fists, forced to shower outside with a garden hose, rented to other homes and not allowed to attend school.

Celestine's case is eerily similar to that of Williathe Narcisse, a courageous young woman I got to know after she escaped a life of domestic slavery in suburban Miami. Narcisse, who was 12 when she was freed in 1999, had been smuggled into the U.S. from Haiti to work as a domestic servant. During her three years in slavery, she was required to keep the family's home spotless, eat garbage and sleep on the floor. She was repeatedly raped by the family's adult son.

In its first term, the Bush administration spoke out strongly against human trafficking, laying out the most aggressive anti-slavery agenda since Reconstruction. But politics hamstrung its implementation. Pressed by a coalition of academic feminists and evangelical conservatives, American officials focused mainly on eliminating prostitution, despite overwhelming evidence that, worldwide, more than 90% of modern-day slaves are not held in commercial sexual slavery.

Before his reelection, President Bush spoke frequently about slavery, including two rousing speeches he gave before the U.N. General Assembly. But in each case, the president only detailed his concern for those in the commercial sex industry, never mentioning debt bondage (in which a person is forced into slavery in order to pay off an initial debt) or labor trafficking. Over the last two years, the State Department's Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons has dedicated four times as much of its budget to fighting sex slavery as it did to combating other forms of slavery.

"It is a vicious myth that women and children who work as prostitutes have voluntarily chosen such a life for themselves," asserted a 2005 State Department fact sheet. Thus the victimization of Ashley Alexandra Dupre, the high-priced call girl frequented by Eliot Spitzer, who until Monday was New York's governor, is equated to the slavery of the young woman in the Bucharest brothel.

Even though there are more slaves in the world today than ever, as a percentage of world population, there are fewer than ever. In a generation, bondage could be eradicated. But for this to happen, the U.S. must lead the way.

First, however, it must define the terms carefully. A current legislative fight is underway about just what slavery means. Over the objections of a few anti-slavery stalwarts in the Justice Department, the House of Representatives passed a bill in December that expands the current anti-trafficking legislation to cover most forms of prostitution, coerced or not. If approved in its current form by the Senate and signed by the president, the law will no longer address slavery exclusively and will instead become a federal mandate to fight prostitution on a broad scale.

Prostitution is always degrading, and it is often brutal -- but it is not always slavery. Equating the scourge of slavery with run-of-the-mill, non-coerced prostitution is not only misleading, it will weaken the world's efforts to end real forced labor and human trafficking.

Slavery in all its forms is a crime against humanity. Rambho's bondage is no more or less tolerable than that of the young woman offered to me in Bucharest. Both are abominations, and both are our collective burden to abolish.

E. Benjamin Skinner is the author of "A Crime So Monstrous: Face-to-Face with Modern-Day Slavery."

The 'White Slavery' Panic

Anti-prostitution activists have been equating sex work with slavery for over a century.

Joanne McNeil | April 2008 Print Edition

Sin in the Second City: Madams, Ministers, Playboys, and the Battle for America’s Soul, by Karen Abbott, New York: Random House, 356 pages, $25.95

In 1907 a group of evangelicals visited Chicago’s Everleigh Club brothel, where they handed out leaflets that said, “No ‘white slave’ need remain in slavery in this State of Abraham Lincoln who made the black slaves free.” According to the Illinois poet Edgar Lee Masters, an Everleigh Club regular, “the girls laughed in their faces.” In Sin in the Second City, the Atlanta-based journalist Karen Abbott recounts how Minna Everleigh, one of the club’s proprietors, “explained graciously, patiently, that the Everleigh Club was free from disease, that [a doctor] examined the girls regularly, that neither she nor Ada [Everleigh, her sister and co-proprietor,] would tolerate anything approaching violence, that drugs were forbidden and drinks tossed out, that guests were never robbed nor rolled, and that there was actually a waiting list of girls, spanning the continental United States, eager to join the house. No captives here, Reverends.”

The Everleigh Club was an ornate mansion. Thirty themed boudoirs (“the Japanese Parlor,” “the Moorish Room,” “the Egyptian Room”) included absurd touches of decadence, such as hidden buttons to ring for champagne and a fountain that fired a jet of perfume. The city’s finest chefs prepared the women’s dinners. They read poetry by the fire with guests, who included the writers Theodore Dreiser and Ring Lardner. Sometimes Minna and Ada let swarms of butterflies fly loose throughout the house.

Some anti-prostitution activists nevertheless believed the Everleigh ladies were no different from slaves. Then as now, opponents of prostitution assumed that no woman in her right mind consensually exchanges sex for money. Abbott challenges that view in her account of Chicago’s red light district at the turn of the last century. She interweaves the stories of sex workers and clientele, evangelical activists and conservative bureaucrats, explaining how the term “white slavery” was routinely applied to consenting adults. Reading her historical account, you can hear echoes of that debate in the current crusade against sex trafficking, which similarly blurs the line between coercion and consent.

The Everleigh sisters, Abbott notes, believed a sex worker was “more than an unwitting conduit for virtue. An employee in a business, she was an investment and should be treated as such, receiving nutritious meals, a thorough education, expert medical care, and generous wages. In their house, a courtesan would make a living as viable as—and more lucrative than—those earned by the thousands of young women seeking work in cities as stenographers and sweatshop seamstresses, department store clerks and domestics. The sisters wanted to uplift the profession, remove its stain and stigma, argue that a girl can’t lose her social standing if she stands level with those poised to judge her.”

The attempt to portray prostitutes as professionals never made much headway against the tendency to view them as victims. At the beginning of Sin in the Second City, Abbott describes an event in 1887 that forever changed the American public’s perception of sex workers. Authorities raided a Michigan lumber camp, finding nine women working as prostitutes. Eight accepted their prison sentences, but the ninth woman protested that she was tortured and forced into sex slavery. The lumberyard proprietors claimed the women were well aware of what they were hired to do; “the job description,” Abbott notes, “made no mention of cutting trees.” But the public was so moved by the woman’s story that she was pardoned and released from jail.

It was 20 years before another case of “white slavery” was reported in a Midwestern newspaper. But in the meantime, rumors of girls who were “trafficked” into sex slavery began to circulate. In 1899 the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union missionary Charlton Edholm reported, “There is a slave trade in this country, and it is not black folks at this time, but little white girls —thirteen, fourteen, sixteen, and seventeen years of age—and they are snatched out of our arms, and from our Sabbath schools and from our Communion tables.” Perhaps they found themselves in a “false employment snare,” in which a young rural girl answered a city want ad and found herself locked in a brothel, her clothes held for ransom. Or maybe a gentleman from the big city, after plying her with drinks or drugs, deflowered her and sold her to a pimp.

Around the same time, anti-prostitution evangelical groups revised their platforms. Victorian society previously had reviled prostitutes as lost women who reduced men to animals. The rhetorical shift conveniently removed the prostitute’s responsibility for her actions.

“Reformers across the country repeated and embellished Edholm’s narratives, panders used them as handy instruction manuals, and harlots memorized all the ways they might be tricked or trapped,” Abbott writes. These rumors reinforced rural Midwesterners’ fears of losing their children to the dirty, crime-ridden streets of Chicago. “Never before in civilization,” wrote Hull House founder Jane Addams in 1909, “have such numbers of girls been suddenly released from the protection of the home and permitted to walk unattended upon the city streets and to work under alien roofs.”

In 1907 a girl named Mona Marshall reportedly wrote “I am a white slave” on a scrap of paper and tossed it from her brothel room window to a passer-by. The passer-by alerted the police, who later brought her to the office of Chicago’s state attorney, Clifford Roe. Roe had been following the work of anti–white slavery activists and was eager to find a case like the Michigan lumberyard scandal.

Marshall’s story of inhumane conditions and repeated rapes attracted much press attention, but further inquiries into key details found contradictions and dates that did not match up. Two years later, Roe met another young woman, Ella Gingles, with a story Abbott says “sounded like an osmotic recitation of every white slave case [Roe] ever tried.” She proved even less trustworthy than Marshall. The reported “blood stains” on her gown were later said to be red wine. The country “ran wild with speculation that Gingles was an autohypnotist, a monomaniac…or in a state of perpetual hysteria,” writes Abbott. Unfortunately, she does not try to explain what motivated Gingles to come forward with a false claim. A New York Times article from 1909 suggests Gingles used the excuse to cover up allegations that she stole lace from her employer.

After several attempts, Roe finally found a case that jibed with the public’s dark perception of organized sex work. Seventeen-year-old Sarah Joseph reported that she had moved to Chicago to join her old friend Mollie Hart, who said she had work lined up for her. The job was in a brothel, which became clear to Joseph only after she entered its doors. Abbott does not offer many details about Joseph’s experience, with only a 1909 Chicago Tribune article as a reference. It is unclear how Joseph’s case came to Roe’s notice or why her friend deceived her. In light of the previous chapters describing Roe’s dubious “white slave” cases, the reader might be inclined to doubt Joseph as well. But many historians, including Humbert Nelli, John Koble, and Thomas Reppetto, have suggested that Joseph was indeed held captive. When the Chicago Sun-Times revisited the controversy in 1999, it reported that Joseph’s brothel keeper had indeed acquired some employees “by force.”

The case received national publicity. Inspired by Roe’s efforts, Rep. James R. Mann (R-Ill.) rushed the United States White-Slave Traffic Act (now known as the Mann Act) through Congress. President Taft signed it into law in 1910. The Mann Act forbade the transportation of individuals from one state to another for the purpose of prostitution. It also authorized $50,000 to create the Federal Bureau of Investigation. It appears the FBI never quite reprioritized: In 2001 the bureau was strongly criticized for allocating excessive man-hours to wiretapping the New Orleans brothel madam Jeanette Maier, both before and after the 9/11 attacks.

A century after the Mann Act passed, women are no longer limited to the roles of wife, whore, or some combination of both, but the debate over prostitution is framed using roughly the same language. Today’s “sex trafficking” narratives often sound like embellishments of the rumored “white slaves.”

According to the website of the National Organization for Women, foreigners expecting high-paying work as au pairs or waitresses “often find themselves in a city where they don’t speak the language, where there isn’t a job waiting, and where they are in debt to threatening thugs. Often their passports have been confiscated, limiting their ability to escape. Many of these women and girls are hidden residents of our own communities.” According to numerous reports in major news outlets, other sex trafficking victims are kidnapped and smuggled across borders. “The sheer volume of stories bolstered the notion of a ‘traffic in girls,’ ” Abbott writes about the Midwest in the early 1900s, but she could be talking about Washington today.

This narrative of deceived and kidnapped sex slaves might make for an exciting episode of Law and Order: Special Victims Unit, but the truth is more complex. In 1999 the CIA estimated that 50,000 women in the U.S. are trafficked for sex each year, but that number seems to be wildly inflated. In September The Washington Post reported that, after spending $150 million on task forces and grants since 2000, the federal government had identified only 1,362 victims of sex trafficking in the U.S. The Post also reported that the original CIA estimate was the work of one analyst, who relied mainly on news clippings about overseas trafficking cases, from which she attempted to estimate U.S. victims.

Estimating the actual number of trafficked sex workers is nearly impossible. Many studies do not distinguish between illegal migration and the smuggling of a person against her will. Others fail to acknowledge that some trafficked workers might not have a problem with the prostitution itself but object to human rights violations and other poor conditions in their new homes.

New legislation threatens to further conflate coercive and consensual sex work. The William Wilberforce Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act of 2007 would appropriate $872 million over four years for protecting and assisting the victims of trafficking. The bill would revise the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000, and would establish a minimum sentence of 20 years for sex traffickers, by removing language requiring proof of fraud, force, or coercion. Currently, when there is no proof of coercion, pimps are prosecuted under the Mann Act, typically receiving a three-to-five-year sentence. Under the new bill, which overwhelmingly passed the House in December but at press time had not been introduced in the Senate, prosecutors could seek the 20-year penalty without presenting victim testimony.

A narrow focus on sex trafficking cases undermines the fight against another appalling (and possibly more frequent) practice: forced manual labor. Domestic and international funds that might be allocated to the protection of forced laborers are instead used to crack down on consensual massage parlors and brothels.

Steven Wagner, former head of the anti-trafficking program within the Department of Health and Human Services, has commented on the millions of dollars “wasted” in grants aimed at combating sex slavery. “Many of the organizations that received grants didn’t really have to do anything,” he told The Washington Post last fall. “They were available to help victims. There weren’t any victims.” Tony Fratto, then deputy White House press secretary, said the issue is “not about the numbers. It’s really about the crime and how horrific it is.” There’s no question the crime is horrific, but the numbers appear to be modest, unless you equate all prostitution with slavery.

Karen Abbott’s book suggests that prostitution was better respected a century ago. While today’s high-profile johns hold press conferences at which they ask the public for forgiveness, Everleigh Club clients boasted of their membership. Perhaps prostitution was considered a necessary evil, keeping husbands from defiling their wives with their prurient fantasies. Or perhaps, as the Chicago Tribune
suggested in a 1936 article about the Everleighs, people believed respectable women “were safer from rapes and other crimes if open prostitution was maintained and ordered as an outlet for the lusts of men.” Patronizing as that viewpoint might be, it is no more insulting than the implication that women never consent to sex work.

Just as feminists today rally around anti–sex trafficking measures, many anti–white slavery activists at the turn of the 20th century were politically progressive and believed in women’s suffrage. “White slavery gave women a chance to insert themselves in political discourse,” Abbott notes. “America’s women would best know how to protect America’s girls.” But such activism infantilizes women instead of promoting gender equality. Women don’t need protection from their own choices.

Joanne McNeil is a writer in Massachusetts. Her articles have appeared in The Washington Times and her photography has appeared in $pread, a sex industry magazine.

Un questionnement me vient. Quand on parle d'esclavage, en ce qui concerne ceux qui travaillent pour des peanuts pendant des heures déraisonnables, je comprend qu'on sur-exploite ces gens c'est un fait. Mais si certains de ces travailleurs acceptent bien malgré eux de travailler à ce salaire c'est qu'il y a un méga problème sous le fait qu'ils sont exploités au travail....ils sont tout d'abord esclaves d'un système qui ne leur permet pas de manger comme il se doit, ils sont tout d'abord esclave d'un régime politique qui rend ce genre d'exploitation acceptable dans ces sociétés...

Comme la prostitution en Thaïlande par exemple, est un problème qui découle du fait que des familles souffrent du fait qu'ils n'arrivent pas à se nourrir convenablement....le régime sous lequel ils vivent amenant inévitablement le problème de la prostitution et du trafic des enfants et l'esclavage de ces derniers. On exploite la famine et on passe par les enfants, les femmes et par l'exploitation de travailleurs en plurieurs endroits.

Vous écouterez le film "The man from Elysian Fields" avec Andy Garcia et Mick Jagger....biensur, il s'agit de prostitués de luxe mâles (vous me direz surement que c'est différent de la situation féminine, mais je n'entend pas ce genre d'âneries sidérales) mais il y a une reflexion tres tres interessante à tirer de ce petit bijou.

Bijou ?

Un navet.

Pas d'accord....il est pas parfait mais c'est un film sous-estimé.
Remarque, c'est sur que c'est pas The Warriors là, mais c'est une histoire interessante

Slap shot est sous estimé.